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December 8, 2025
The Background:
Myopia is a growing global health concern linked to conditions like macular degeneration, glaucoma, and retinal detachment. Its prevalence has surged in recent decades; by 2050, an estimated 5 billion people will have myopia. The increase is especially marked in Asia – a survey in Taiwan reports that 84% of students aged 15 to 18 are myopic, with 24% severely affected.
Dopamine is an important neurotransmitter in the retina, involved in eye development, visual signaling, and refractive changes. The dopamine hypothesis, suggesting that retinal dopamine release helps prevent myopia, has emerged as a leading theory of myopia control.
Most studies show ADHD is highly heritable, often involving dopamine system genes. ADHD is strongly associated with dopaminergic abnormalities, especially in dopamine transporter function and release dynamics.
Medications for ADHD, like methylphenidate, atomoxetine, and clonidine, help regulate dopamine to reduce symptoms.
The Study:
Given dopamine’s critical involvement in both ADHD and myopia, a Taiwanese research team hypothesized that medications for ADHD that influence dopaminergic pathways may have a significant effect on myopia risk.
To evaluate this hypothesis, the team conducted a nationwide cohort study using data from Taiwan’s National Health Insurance (NHI) program, which covers 99% of the nation’s 23 million residents and provides access to comprehensive eye care and screenings. Taiwan requires visual acuity screenings beginning at age four, with annual examinations for school-aged children to promote the early detection of visual anomalies such as myopia.
Furthermore, ADHD medication and diagnosis are tracked through compulsory diagnostic codes. This permits an accurate assessment of the effects of dopaminergic medications on myopia risk.
Propensity score allocation using a multivariable logistic regression model was applied to reduce bias from confounding influences, pairing cohorts based on similar scores.
The Results:
Comparing 133,945 individuals with ADHD with an equal number without ADHD, untreated ADHD was associated with a 22% greater risk of myopia.
However, after adjusting for covariates (gender, age, insured premium, comorbidities, location, and urbanization level), the ADHD cohort receiving medication treatment showed a 39% decreased risk of myopia relative to the untreated ADHD cohort.
Narrowing this further to the ADHD cohort receiving dopaminergic medications reduced the risk of myopia by more than half (52%) relative to the untreated ADHD cohort.
Treatment with two dopaminergic medications reduced the risk by well over two-thirds (72%) relative to the untreated ADHD cohort.
There were no significant differences between methylphenidate, atomoxetine, and clonidine. Each reduced risk by about 50%.
The team did not directly compare the ADHD cohort receiving dopaminergic medications with the non-ADHD cohort. But if there were 122 cases of myopia in the ADHD cohort for every 100 cases in the non-ADHD cohort, and dopaminergic medications halved the cases in the ADHD cohort to about 60, that would represent a roughly 40% reduction in myopia risk relative to the non-ADHD cohort.
The team concluded, “our research indicates that pharmacologically treated ADHD children have a reduced risk of myopia. Conversely, untreated ADHD children are at a heightened risk relative to those without ADHD. Moreover, the cumulative effects of ADHD medications were found to notably decrease myopia incidence, emphasizing the protective influence of dopaminergic modulation in these interventions.”
The Take-Away:
Children with untreated ADHD are more likely to develop myopia, but those receiving dopaminergic medications had a substantially lower risk. The findings suggest that ADHD medications may help protect against myopia by boosting dopamine signaling. More research is needed before firmly drawing this conclusion, but this research could open the door to new approaches for preventing myopia in at-risk children.
Yu-Te Huang, Jhih-Yi Lu, Peng-Tai Tien, Yih-Dih Cheng, Heng-Jun Lin, Yow-Wen Hsieh, Fuu-Jen Tsai, Lei Wan, and Hui-Ju Lin, “Dopaminergic medications as a preventive for myopia: insights derived from pediatric patients diagnosed with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder,” Postgraduate Medical Journal (2025) 101, 1201, 1127–1134, https://doi.org/10.1093/postmj/qgaf051.
The Background:
Down syndrome (DS) is a genetic disorder resulting from an extra copy of chromosome 21. It is associated with intellectual disability.
Three to five thousand children are born with Down syndrome each year. They have higher risks for conditions like hypothyroidism, sleep apnea, epilepsy, sensory issues, infections, and autoimmune diseases. Research on ADHD in patients with Down syndrome has been inconclusive.
The Study:
The National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) is a household survey conducted by the National Center for Health Statistics at the CDC.
Due to the low prevalence of Down syndrome, a Chinese research team used NHIS records from 1997 to 2018 to analyze data from 214,300 children aged 3 to 17, to obtain a sufficiently large and nationally representative sample to investigate any potential association with ADHD.
DS and ADHD were identified by asking, “Has a doctor or health professional ever diagnosed your child with Down syndrome, Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD), or Attention Deficit Disorder (ADD)?”
After adjusting for age, sex, and race/ethnicity, plus family highest education level, family income-to-poverty ratio, and geographic region, children and adolescents with Down syndrome had 70% greater odds of also having ADHD than children and adolescents without Down syndrome. There were no significant differences between males and females.
The Take-Away:
The team concluded, “in a nationwide population-based study of U.S. children, we found that a Down syndrome diagnosis was associated with a higher prevalence of ASD and ADHD. Our findings highlight the necessity of conducting early and routine screenings for ASD and ADHD in children with Down syndrome within clinical settings to improve the effectiveness of interventions.”
A Chinese research team performed two types of meta-analyses to compare the risk of suicide for ADHD patients taking ADHD medication as opposed to those not taking medication.
The first type of meta-analysis combined six large population studies with a total of over 4.7 million participants. These were located on three continents - Europe, Asia, and North America - and more specifically Sweden, England, Taiwan, and the United States.
The risk of suicide among those taking medication was found to be about a quarter less than for unmediated individuals, though the results were barely significant at the 95 percent confidence level (p = 0.49, just a sliver below the p = 0.5 cutoff point). There were no significant differences between males and females, except that looking only at males or females reduced sample size and made results non-significant.
Differentiating between patients receiving stimulant and non-stimulant medications produced divergent outcomes. A meta-analysis of four population studies covering almost 900,000 individuals found stimulant medications to be associated with a 28 percent reduced risk of suicide. On the other hand, a meta-analysis of three studies with over 62,000 individuals found no significant difference in suicide risk for non-stimulant medications. The benefit, therefore, seems limited to stimulant medication.
The second type of meta-analysis combined three within-individual studies with over 3.9 million persons in the United States, China, and Sweden. The risk of suicide among those taking medication was found to be almost a third less than for unmediated individuals, though the results were again barely significant at the 95 percent confidence level (p =0.49, just a sliver below the p = 0.5 cutoff point). Once again, there were no significant differences between males and females, except that looking only at males or females reduced the sample size and made results non-significant.
Differentiating between patients receiving stimulant and non-stimulant medications once again produced divergent outcomes. Meta-analysis of the same three studies found a 25 percent reduced risk of suicide among those taking stimulant medications. But as in the population studies, a meta-analysis of two studies with over 3.9 million persons found no reduction in risk among those taking non-stimulant medications.
A further meta-analysis of two studies with 3.9 million persons found no reduction in suicide risk among persons taking ADHD medications for 90 days or less, "revealing the importance of duration and adherence to medication in all individuals prescribed stimulants for ADHD."
The authors concluded, "exposure to non-stimulants is not associated with a higher risk of suicide attempts. However, a lower risk of suicide attempts was observed for stimulant drugs. However, the results must be interpreted with caution due to the evidence of heterogeneity ..."
Parents and teachers often ask: Does ADHD medication actually improve grades and school performance? The answer is: yes, but with important limitations. Medications are very effective at reducing inattention, hyperactivity, and impulsivity but their impact on long-term academic outcomes like grades and test scores is not as consistent.
In the Classroom
The medications for ADHD consistently: Improve attention, reduce classroom disruptions, increase time spent on-task and help children complete more schoolwork and homework. Medication can help children with ADHD access learning by improving the conditions for paying attention and persisting with work.
Does Medication Improve Test Scores and Grades?
This is where the picture gets more complicated. Medications have stronger effect on how much work is completed but a weaker effect on accuracy. Many studies show that children on medication attempt more problems in reading, math, and spelling, but the number of correct answers doesn’t always improve as much. Some studies find small but significant improvements in national exam scores and higher education entrance tests during periods when children with ADHD are medicated.
Grades improve, as well, but modestly. Large registry studies in Sweden show that students who consistently take medication earn higher grades than those who don’t. However, these gains usually do not close the achievement gap with peers who do not have ADHD.
Keep in mind that small improvements for a group as a whole mean that some children are benefiting greatly from medication and others not at all. We have no way of predicting which children will improve and which do not.
Medication Alone Isn’t Enough
Academic success depends on more than just reducing inattention, hyperactivity and impulsivity. Skills like organization, planning, studying, and managing long-term projects are also critical. Medication cannot teach these skills.
So, in addition to medication, the patient's treatment program should include educational support (tutoring, structured study skills programs), behavioral interventions (parent training, classroom management strategies), and accommodations at school (extra time, reduced distractions, organizational aids) Parents should discuss with their prescriber which of these methods would be appropriate.
Conclusions
ADHD medication is a powerful tool for reducing symptoms and supporting learning. It improves test scores and grades for some children, especially when taken consistently. But it is not a magic bullet for academic success. The best results come when medication is combined with educational and behavioral supports that help children build the skills they need to thrive in school and beyond.
The Background:
Many studies have tried to determine whether exercise improves executive function in children and adolescents with ADHD, but their conclusions have not always agreed. To bring the evidence together more clearly, the research team re-analyzed the available randomized controlled trials using a statistical approach designed to handle the kinds of data common in this field.
Executive functions are skills that help us control attention and behavior. The three core components are inhibitory control (the ability to stop or override impulses), working memory (holding and manipulating information in mind), and cognitive flexibility (switching between tasks or perspectives). Because a single study often reports multiple tests that tap these different skills, one study can contribute several related results (called effect sizes). Traditional meta-analysis typically treats each effect size as independent; when they are actually correlated, that can bias the combined estimate or force reviewers to discard useful data.
To avoid those problems, the team used a three-level meta-analysis. In this model, variance in the data is separated into three sources:
(1) sampling variance: the random error in each measured effect
(2) within-study variance: differences between multiple effect sizes reported in the same study
(3) between-study variance: differences in effects from one study to another
Accounting for all three levels makes it possible to include every eligible effect size from each study, which preserves information and statistical power and reduces the risk that correlations among effect sizes will overstate results.
The Study:
The review focused on long-term exercise interventions and also tested whether certain factors might change (or moderate) the effects. These potential moderators included participant age, which executive-function subcomponent was measured, the type of exercise, how long each session lasted, the total length of the intervention, and how often sessions occurred.
To be included, studies had to be randomized controlled trials (RCTs) of children or adolescents aged 6–18 diagnosed with ADHD. RCTs randomly assign participants to an intervention or a comparison group and are considered a strong design for testing cause-and-effect. The exercise programs had to be structured and last at least six weeks. Comparison groups varied by study and could include usual care, medication, sedentary activities, health education, waiting lists, or everyday life without the specific exercise program. Fifteen studies including 658 participants met these criteria.
The Results:
The three-level meta-analysis showed that long-term exercise interventions were associated with moderate-to-strong improvements in overall executive function. When statistical outliers were removed, the result remained positive: 13 RCTs with 598 participants showed moderate improvements. In plain terms, this suggests improvements that are noticeable and meaningful on average, not just tiny changes that are unlikely to matter in daily life.
Those moderate gains appeared across all three executive-function domains (inhibitory control, working memory, and cognitive flexibility, meaning the benefits were not limited to a single cognitive skill. The authors also examined exercise type:
“Open-skill” activities, which require reacting to changing situations (for example, many team sports, martial arts sparring, or racket sports), produced moderate-to-large improvements.
“Closed-skill” activities, which are more predictable and repetitive (for example, running or stationary cycling), showed only small, non-significant improvements in this analysis.
The review also found dose-related patterns. Interventions lasting at least twelve weeks were about three times more effective than interventions of six to twelve weeks, and sessions longer than an hour were about twice as effective as shorter sessions. Benefits were largest among adolescents aged 13 and older.
These patterns suggest that longer, more intensive programs, and those that involve open-skill activities, may produce larger gains. However, the authors caution that the overall certainty of the evidence was low. “Low certainty” means that limitations in the available studies (for example, small sample sizes, variability in methods, or possible bias) make it difficult to be confident that the observed effects will hold up exactly the same way in future research. Some subgroup findings (age, intervention duration, and others) were based on only a small number of effect sizes, so those moderator results should be treated as exploratory rather than definitive.
The Take-Away:
In short, this three-level meta-analysis suggests that regular, structured exercise (particularly longer programs and open-skill activities) may help improve executive functions in children and adolescents with ADHD. The evidence is promising but not yet strong enough to be considered conclusive, and the authors recommend more, larger randomized trials to confirm specifically which types and doses of exercise are most effective. Moreover, neither this meta-analysis or others show that exercise can replace standard treatments for reducing the core symptoms of ADHD (inattention, hyperactivity, impulsivity).
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When a patient sits down in an examination room today, their physician is rarely the first voice they have heard regarding their symptoms. More often, an algorithm got there first.
According to a nationwide survey by The Physicians Foundation conducted with Medscape, medical misinformation is no longer a peripheral nuisance; it is a daily clinical crisis. Nearly all surveyed physicians (99.9%) reported that their patients had been influenced by medical misinformation over the past year.
While misinformation affects every discipline from oncology to cardiology, few conditions sit as squarely in the algorithmic crosshairs as ADHD. From viral 30-second video clips trivializing complex executive dysfunction to predatory wellness campaigns attacking evidence-based medications, the attack on evidence directly threatens the well-being of children and adults living with ADHD.
Key Findings from The Physicians Foundation
The survey, which captured perspectives from over 1,000 practicing physicians, paints a sobering picture of how unverified information disrupts modern medicine:
The challenge is especially acute in communities already facing systemic healthcare hurdles:
As the survey illustrates, 38% of rural physicians encounter "a great deal" of health misinformation, far exceeding their suburban (21%) and urban (25%) peers. In rural and underserved regions, where access to developmental pediatricians and psychiatrists is already scarce, online narratives frequently fill the void left by provider shortages.
Why ADHD Is Ground Zero for Health Misinformation
Despite decades of neurobiological research confirming its validity, ADHD remains uniquely vulnerable to digital distortions in three distinct ways:
1. The Dueling Traps: "Life Hack" Trivialization vs. Denialism
Social media platforms host billions of views under ADHD-related tags. While digital awareness has helped destigmatize mental health, it frequently collapses nuanced clinical criteria into broad, relatable personality traits such as zoning out during a boring meeting, misplacing keys, or feeling restless.
This creates two opposing misinformation hazards:
2. Medication Stigma and Treatment Nonadherence
The survey found that 49% of doctors frequently encounter medication nonadherence and 45% face treatment refusal due to misinformation.
In ADHD care, this finding is acutely visible around stimulant pharmacotherapy. First-line stimulant medications have high response rates and extensive safety profiles spanning decades. Yet online narratives persistently frame them as dangerous narcotics, accusing parents of "drugging their children" or claiming medications permanently alter a child's brain.
Terrified parents frequently delay initiating care or discontinue effective regimens without clinical oversight, turning instead to unproven, expensive alternative supplements, unverified nootropics, or restrictive elimination diets.
3. Escalating Anxiety and Parental Guilt
With 66% of physicians observing increased patient anxiety driven by online health claims, the emotional toll on families cannot be overstated. Parents of newly diagnosed children are inundated with contradictory advice: one post warns that failing to medicate guarantees academic failure, while another claims that medicating guarantees addiction.
Adults navigating a new diagnosis experience similar distress, second-guessing their lived experiences and feeling deep shame over their executive dysfunction.
4. The 15-Minute Primary Care Bottleneck
Because pediatricians and family physicians handle most ADHD diagnoses and management, the survey’s warning that 70% of primary care providers feel hamstrung by misinformation hits ADHD patients first.
Deconstructing a viral video, explaining the difference between therapeutic stimulant dosing and substance misuse, and addressing years of internalized stigma takes time. In a standard 15-to-20-minute primary care visit, providers are forced to choose between rushing through diagnostic assessments or leaving patients' misinformed fears unaddressed.
Rebuilding the Partnership: Steps for Patients, Families, and Providers
Addressing the erosion of trust requires practical, collaborative shifts from both sides of the examination table:
For Patients and Caregivers
For Healthcare Providers and Systems
Medical misinformation thrives in the gap between a patient's vulnerability and the clinical system's time constraints. By recognizing how digital noise distorts ADHD, patients and clinicians can work together to replace viral anxiety with evidence-based care.
The Background:
Adults with ADHD often struggle more at work than their peers without ADHD. They tend to underperform on job tasks, advance less in their careers, miss more workdays, and face higher rates of unemployment. Research from several countries, including Japan, points to two main channels through which ADHD erodes workplace productivity: absenteeism, or missing work entirely, and presenteeism, showing up but performing below one’s usual capacity. Both problems typically trace back to ADHD’s core symptoms: difficulty sustaining attention, managing time, staying organized, and navigating relationships with coworkers and supervisors.
Stigma compounds these challenges. Employers and the public often have limited understanding of how ADHD manifests in adults, which can translate into unfair treatment or diminished job opportunities. That fear of judgment, in turn, discourages some people from seeking a psychiatric evaluation in the first place, delaying diagnosis and treatment, and with it, delaying access to support that could improve both their work performance and daily functioning.
Japan does offer medical care and workplace support for adults with ADHD. Options include social skills training, which teaches practical strategies for communication and collaboration; self-reliance support programs that help with daily living and job management; and, in more severe cases, a disability pension for those unable to work. Still, it remains unclear whether these employment-support services are robust enough to help people who want to work actually secure and hold onto steady jobs.
The impact of ADHD extends beyond the individual diagnosed. Supporting a family member with ADHD can be emotionally and logistically demanding, often cutting into a caregiver’s own capacity to work and earn, meaning that the economic toll of ADHD ripples outward.
The Research:
Most prior research on the economic costs of ADHD, in both children and adults, has come from the United States and Europe, focusing on medical expenses, lost productivity, and social support spending. Until recently, no one had attempted a comparable estimate for adult ADHD in Japan or elsewhere in Asia.
To address that gap, a Japanese research team conducted a cross-sectional observational study (meaning they gathered data at a single point in time and examined existing patterns rather than testing an intervention). They drew on three sources: a retrospective review of medical insurance claims, a web-based survey of affected individuals, and official government statistics. Combining these, they estimated annual costs from a societal perspective, accounting for medical expenses, lost work productivity, and government welfare spending, as well as productivity losses among family caregivers.
The claims analysis relied on JMDC, a nationwide database of insurance receipts and medical examination records spanning multiple health insurers and covering 14 million residents. Within it, the researchers identified 30,730 adult outpatients diagnosed with ADHD.
The Results:
Annual medical costs per adult with ADHD (combining outpatient visits and medication) averaged 284,000 yen (about $1,750). Scaling this figure to match the age and sex distribution of Japan’s adult population produced a nationwide estimate of 74 billion yen (about $455 million).
A separate web-based survey found that, after statistical matching, nearly half of adults with ADHD received a disability pension, yielding a nationwide estimate of 95 billion yen (about $585 million) in ADHD-related pension payments. Including public employment support services, total social welfare spending reached 390 billion yen (about $2.4 billion).
Workplace productivity losses were substantial as well. With an unemployment rate more than four percentage points higher than the general population, unemployment-related losses among adults with ADHD totaled an estimated 50 billion yen. Lower average incomes among those employed accounted for a further 315 billion yen. Once absenteeism and presenteeism were factored in, total productivity losses reached 570 billion yen (about $3.5 billion).
Family members bore a comparable burden: productivity losses among adult relatives of people with ADHD were estimated at 540 billion yen (about $3.3 billion).
Taken together, these figures point to a nationwide socioeconomic burden of 1.6 trillion yen (roughly $11 billion), equivalent to nearly $30,000 per adult with ADHD.
The Take-Away:
“This study, the first estimate of the annual socioeconomic burden of adult ADHD in Japan, underscores the necessity of providing appropriate support to adult patients with ADHD and their families and the prevention of comorbidities,” the research team concluded. “In particular, measures to support participation in the workplace to improve patients’ quality of life and reduce the social and economic burden should be explored. Furthermore, it is hoped that estimating the annual socioeconomic burden of adult ADHD will help clarify policy priorities in Japan.”
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